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After nearly four years, it all comes down to this.

If the 2024 presidential race were a marathon, starting on November 5th, 2020, then it is now just about to enter the last of its 26.2 miles. Donald Trump has already overcome more than any candidate in history to get to this point: He’s overcome systematic deplatforming, a primary challenge from Ron DeSantis, the politically-motivated destruction of the Trump Organization, a sham defamation case, a raid on Mar-a-Lago, four criminal indictments, a felony conviction, and, on top of all that, an assassin’s bullet. After all that, Trump faces only one final challenge: disposing of Kamala Harris and her pet “white dude” from Minnesota.

Many American patriots have let themselves become nervous, depressed, or worked up about this final challenge. They have let themselves be weakened by reports of “Kamalamentum.” Having to look up “brat” on Urban Dictionary has left them feeling behind the curve. With the Democratic convention unfolding this week, odds are that pro-Kamala propaganda and her polling position will reach their absolute peak.

First off, let’s not lose our heads: Every party gets a convention bump. Voting is still a month away, and Election Day is more than two months out.

Here are our takes on what Trump should do to dominate the final mile of the 2024 marathon and win back the White House.

Maximize the Long Interviews

Donald Trump is a man of limitless conversational power. The man can talk, and talk, and talk, and talk, and talk, and somehow never get boring.

While Trump’s rallies are iconic and his clashes with the press have created countless iconic moments, Trump’s ability to shine in one-on-one conversations is perhaps the least noted and least exploited of his assets. And in this cycle, there are far more opportunities for such extended conversations to be had. One of the biggest differences between 2024 and Trump’s prior two campaigns is that a far wider range of public figures are happy to engage with Trump as an acceptable, normal part of American political life, rather than a monstrous evil who can only be either confronted, silenced, or ignored. That means more celebrities and influencers are ready to give Trump friendly (or at least non-hostile) interviews, where he can make a friendly overture to voters outside the usual GOP orbit.

The Trump interview with mega-influencer Logan Paul is a case in point. The interview would absolutely never have happened in either 2016 or 2020. But now, things have changed immensely, to Trump’s benefit. A massive audience of young people got a close-up look at Trump (possibly for the first time), and the interview showed Trump at his best. And of course, it was a massive success, garnering more than 6 million views on YouTube alone, and who knows how many more from podcasting platforms like Twitter, Instagram, and more.

Trump’s early-August interview with influencer Adin Ross (a friend of Barron’s) had a similar upside; viewers of Ross’s livestream peaked at more than 500,000 during the livestream. And while Trump’s discussion with Elon Musk on X ran into technical hiccups, that was no barrier to millions hearing what the president had said in the hours afterwards as the nearly two-hour interview was cut into easily-digested bits.

Just this week, Trump did an extended interview with popular comedian Theo Von, who boasts a substantial YouTube audience of target voters on the fence.

These interviews don’t just work as a direct pitch to voters. Every interview with a mainstream influencer gives Trump legitimacy; it dispels the once-widespread belief that Trump is “beyond the pale” and that supporting him is some kind of affront or dirty secret.

If any other influencers or podcast hosts are open to these interviews, Trump should do them. Trump, despite all of the negative media attention, is supremely likable. He possesses a rare quality such that the more one is exposed to him, especially in this normal conversational setting, the more one likes him. This contrasts profoundly with Kamala, who is running as a generic Democrat, and the more people see of her personality, the less they like her. The bottom line is that an entertaining hour-long podcast episode seen by a million people is worth far more than any generic batch of television ads seen by ten million.

Maximize Trump’s Human Contact

Donald Trump’s third presidential run, in truth, got off to a listless start. Trump announced very early, on November 15, 2022, largely from a position of weakness: The 2022 midterms had been a disappointment; Trump seemed vulnerable, and he wanted to jump in right away to scare away challengers and quiet speculation that he was finished and would sit out the race entirely. After announcing, Trump did little. He held only a single rally in South Carolina, and polls showed his lead over Ron DeSantis gradually shrinking.

Everything shifted, though, after an unexpected, out-of-the-blue event: a cargo train carrying noxious chemicals derailed in East Palestine, Ohio, with the chemicals subsequently subjected to a controversial controlled burn. Two weeks later, Trump visited the stricken city, chatting with locals and buying McDonalds for first responders.

The visit reminded everyone of Trump-style politics at its best: the billionaire class traitor showing his uncanny touch for interacting with the common man without any condescension or phoniness. Almost immediately, Trump’s political fortunes began to turn, and the vibe around him shifted. Incidentally, and much to the media’s chagrin, JD Vance’s pro-active response to the East Palestine disaster highlighted the leadership capabilities of the Ohio Senator as well as his political affinities with Mr. Trump.

Over the next few months, many of the best moments in the Trump campaign would similarly feature Trump’s remarkable common touch. In April, he was hanging out in Florida pizza parlors, offering slices to fans, and by the fall, he was visiting small farms in Iowa, signing farmers’ John Deere combines.

In the final weeks of his final campaign, Trump should look for opportunities to create human moments like this. While Kamala lurches from one awkardly scripted event to another, Trump should show off how he is the unmatched master of spontaneous, unscripted interactions with the masses. Trump’s ability to connect with voters on a human level is something that cannot be scripted and is one of the key reasons that Trump is perhaps the one politician in the country who isn’t simply interchangeable with anyone else—even someone who has similar views on policy.

Imagine Trump doing a walkthrough of an American supermarket, chatting with staff, marveling at the price hikes caused by the Biden/Harris administration’s inflation, and then buying groceries for a bunch of shoppers. Imagine him visiting with Corey Comperatore’s fellow firefighters and other first responders when he returns to Butler, Pennsylvania. These encounters will be entertaining to the public, energizing for Trump, and a great way to debunk Democrat attacks on his personal character or supposed “extremism.”

Find a Good Label for Kamala 

Lyin’ Ted. Little Marco. Low Energy Jeb. Crooked Hillary. Sleepy Joe.

Donald Trump’s nicknames are infamous, and they even have their own Wikipedia page. When done right, Trump’s nicknames fire up supporters, infuriate his foes, and can even define the race.

A winning Trump nickname is a subtle thing—it’s a little bit mean, a little bit hokey, and a little more aggressive than usual.

Trump has tried out a few different labels for his new opponent, including Crazy Kamala, Laffin’ Kamala, and “Kamabla.” So far, none of them have quite stuck—nicknames are hard work, even for the master.

But there is still ample time to come up with a winner and hang it around Kamala’s neck. Don’t worry about being politically incorrect; if your opponent is getting mad about a nickname, it’s a sign to the whole world that you are right over the target.

What would work best? Lazy Kamala, emphasizing her brutal lack of accomplishments? Killer Kamala, showcasing the tragic implications of her pro-crime policies? Wide-Open Kamala, emphasizing her open-borders lunacy while softly alluding to a few other early career highlights? Many options are out there, and Trump should keep experimenting until he hits on the one that strikes gold.

Attack Kamala on the Issues

Of all the opponents Trump has faced, both Republican and Democrat, Kamala Harris is beyond a doubt the most personally unlikeable. Prior to Joe Biden’s departure from the race, the strongest argument for keeping him around was that Kamala would be his replacement, and approximately zero Democrats were excited at that prospect. Her laugh is so jarring and fake that she’s been coached to avoid it. Her career history is unremarkable, save for unsavory details like getting her start as the mistress of a politician thirty years her senior. She’s a terrible boss who can’t keep staff. She’s a personal and political chameleon, constantly retooling her message, her brand, and even her voice to pander to whatever the cause of the moment is, and this constant switching has left her with no real identity at all.

And yet, it’s probably best if Trump does not make this the focus of his attacks come debate time. Instead, Trump should hammer Kamala on the issues and on her disastrous career as a lifelong California politician. While Kamala has a host of deeply unlikeable personal traits, these traits fall into an awkward twilight zone of being less damaging if they’re pointed out and harped on aggressively.

Consider Kamala’s past as the former mistress of California political titan Willie Brown. Harris was the “other woman” for a married man who boosted her career with a sequence of bogus patronage jobs that paid a lot and required little. This is the sort of thing that women find gross and off-putting when talking amongst one another, but as soon as a man like Donald Trump points it out, it becomes “slut shaming” and triggers a defensive instinct among millions of women. Many would perceive such an attack on Kamala as an attack on all women, and by extension, on themselves.

Does that make a lick of sense? Nope, not at all. But that’s just how many women are. The more subtle the attacks on Kamala’s character, the more likely it is that women will actually dislike her instead of rallying to her defense.

Trump the Peacemaker

If there is one issue where Donald Trump’s presidency has been entirely vindicated, it’s foreign policy. For four blissful years, America embarked on no new wars and wound down the ones it was already embroiled in. Then, as soon as Trump left, it all went to hell. Now, the new quagmires in Ukraine and the Levant are consuming even more money than the Afghan war was, and America is teetering on the brink of yet another war, this one with Iran. The less said about Taiwan and its threat from China, the better.

Trump would do well to deliver a simple promise to the American people: As president, he’ll end the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East and save America the hundred billion dollars a year going into those money pits. A vote for Kamala is a vote for war, while a Trump vote is a vote for peace.

Not only is this a winning issue on its own, but elevating the Ukraine issue will accentuate the strongest aspects of Trump’s vice presidential pick. JD Vance was one of the only people right there with Trump from the very beginning opposing America’s Ukraine involvement. Meanwhile, a vote for Kamala is understood by the public as a vote for more war funding, handled by the woman who can only explain the conflict at a first-grade level.

 

An emphasis on Trump’s role as a peacemaker has considerable corollary benefits when it comes to ending the Ukraine war in particular. As we proved in our classic series on Color Revolution professionals, the specific subset of deep state operatives who are obsessed with continuing and escalating conflict with Russia is the same subset of the ruling class most singularly obsessed with undermining Trump. The bizarre fact that so many of Trump’s detractors and so many of the operative witnesses in his sham impeachment trials are so-called “Russia experts” in the national security space. This group, obsessed with both Russia and Trump, effectively tried to kill two birds with one stone by supporting the absurd and dangerous view that Trump was somehow supported by Russia, and therefore efforts to undermine Trump, including censorship, could be considered “national security” imperatives. In short, apart from the geopolitical interest and humanitarian interest in ending the Ukraine war, there is the enormous benefit that this issue strikes directly at the hornet’s nest that has been so instrumental to the deep state’s war on Trump supporters domestically.

Select a Handful of Low-Cost, High-Leverage Positions

Trump has more power than any other candidate to, with a single comment at a rally or in an interview, immediately turn an issue into a national discussion. Some of Trump’s signature campaign planks even grew out of such stray remarks.

Now would be a great time for Trump to try adding a few unusual or, dare we say it, fun issues to accompany his strong meat-and-potatoes pitch to the American public. While most voters are concerned with core issues like the economy, the border, or national security, there are many passionate citizens out there who might be won over by a strong pitch on an issue no other politicians are talking about.

Trump already has a few effective niche issues like this: His support of cryptocurrency is confusing and opaque to 98% of the country, but extremely effective with the small minority that is very passionate about crypto. His Right to Try policy on prescription drugs isn’t particularly compelling to most people, but it alienates nobody while also being immensely appealing to those with terminal illnesses and their family members who view experimental drugs as their only hope.

This principle is not limited to “niche” issues, however. Let’s consider another issue of broader appeal that largely follows the low-political-cost, high-benefit calculus. Suppose, for instance, that Trump became the first presidential candidate to call out the nightmarish security theater hellscape of post-9/11 airports. It wouldn’t even be out of nowhere: His vice presidential pick has already tweeted Revolver’s analysis of this problem.

READ MORE: Our Nation’s Fat, Archaic, Dilapidated Airports Represent the Overall Decline of America

What if Trump pledged to cut TSA processing times in half or promised to scrap pointless Bush-era practices like taking off shoes or the minuscule volume limit on outside liquids? Would everyone care? Probably not. But a great many Americans who travel regularly would care a great deal. But it also costs nothing and might attract votes, positive coverage, and donations.

But why stop at addressing the hellish and largely unnecessary TSA nightmare that plagues American domestic travel? Some of Trump’s most resonant lines in the 2016 campaign drew attention to the basic and embarrassing fact that our airports were crumbling and dirty, especially when compared to airports abroad. A proud America simply should not accept a crumbling, filthy Penn Station while China, the Middle East, and other regions boast nice, clean, modern, and well-functioning transportation infrastructure. Trump tapped into the notion that it wasn’t just about the buildings themselves—that somehow our willingness to tolerate filthy and crumbling airports, like filthy and crumbling public transportation, was emblematic of a larger and deeper decline.

MORE: We Found Photos of Ten Subways Around the Globe That Show Just How Far America Has Fallen

Come to think of it, why stop at airports? Public transportation is a filthy mess, but so are many of the nation’s roads, highways, and infrastructure more generally. Having nice, clean, and functional roads, bridges, buildings, grid systems, etc. is more than just the absolutely critical first-order question of functionality; again, it’s a matter of symbolism and pride.

In fact, very few issues combine powerful symbolism with bare-bones practicality and mass, everyday appeal in the way that the infrastructure issue does. Everyone wants good roads, good bridges, nice, clean buildings and airports, etc. And it just so happens that infrastructure is a major vulnerability for the Biden-Harris administration. The fact that most people don’t even remember Biden signing a 1.2 trillion-dollar infrastructure bill is a testament to its spectacular failure. Getting a little bit more granular, we see that after 3 years and 5 billion dollars dedicated to building EV charging stations, a whopping 7 charging stations have been built. This is such an embarrassing number that even Democrat senators have called out the failure.

Trump should seize on this, perhaps even demand and promise a congressional inquiry into where all the transportation money disappeared to—frame it as one of the greatest tax thefts and cons in American history.

Shifting gears, Trump could and should promise to pardon non-violent January 6 prisoners and select the most sympathetic cases as part of his appeal.

He could and should promise mass declassification of documents guarded jealously by the Deep State. Run openly on releasing all remaining JFK and 9/11 files. Promise a pardon for Edward Snowden so he can return to the U.S. for the first time in a decade, if he wishes. Drain the swamp by removing its aura of secrecy.

Will this win many new votes? Well, the TSA and infrastructure idea very well might All of these issues would appeal to a dedicated and passionate sector of the electorate, with moderate to zero downside. With Kamala Harris paralyzed by her fear of reporters and unscripted questions, introducing new issues is one way Trump can throw Harris off-balance. Harris can’t match him tit-for-tat, and if she tries to comment on Trump’s newly introduced issues, she may simply make an idiot of herself.

Pre-Announce Some Cabinet Picks

One of Trump’s winning moves in 2016 was his decision to release a pre-election list of judges he would consider for the Supreme Court. The list reassured Republican base voters, who feared that Trump, a Democrat as recently as 2009, would govern as a liberal. It paid off big-time: exit polls indicated that the Supreme Court was a top issue cited by those turning out for the Trump ticket.

In 2024, Democrats have focused their attacks on Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s independent initiative designed to assist with the appointments and policies of a second Trump term. Democrats have effectively done a lot of scaremongering, based on abstractions and demonization of the Project 2025 brand as such.

If Trump wants to sidestep these attacks and change the conversation, it is quite simple: announce some Cabinet picks ahead of the election or several members of a shortlist.

Such a move won’t just sap the venom from this Democrat attack; it might even create excitement or win some votes. Trump could include a few out-there shortlisters for high-profile Cabinet posts, which could generate buzz, increase enthusiasm for MAGA in certain constituencies, and bolster Trump’s outsider credentials when the media inevitably flip out.

Suppose Trump signaled that Tulsi Gabbard was a serious contender for Secretary of State, as an olive branch to the dissident left and a middle finger to the permanent war lobby. Much like with the eclectic policy ideas above, this could win over a few unlikely votes while at the same time driving away nobody.

Have the Poll Watchers Ready to Roll

Fortunately, Republicans are far better prepared to battle in the realm of election integrity than they were in 2020. Simply because COVID is gone, more voters will be voting in person rather than by mail. In several Republican-controlled states that surprisingly went to Joe Biden, new laws have been passed attacking the tools that made the 2020 results so suspect to so many people. In Arizona, new legislation makes it harder to correct botched absentee ballots, and if the Supreme Court lends a hand, the state will require proof of citizenship to vote as well. Georgia has new laws curtailing mail-in voting. Similar laws are in play in Texas, North Carolina, and Florida, protecting them from becoming surprising election-night flips.

Still, in several swing states, like Nevada, Michigan, and Pennsylvania, the voting situation is as liberal (and questionable) as ever. At this point, nothing should take Trump’s team by surprise. Every single tool in the bag of electoral tricks came out in 2020, from counting in the middle of the night to gathering harvested ballots through unmonitored drop boxes. At a minimum, all of them should be harder to pull off this time.

Accordingly, it is critical that Trump’s team has sufficient and vigilant poll watchers, keeping a hawk’s eye on polls throughout the voting process. This is especially important in notoriously corrupt Democrat machine-run urban areas in swing states. No more having poll watchers “go home for the night” because some election worker told them counting was being paused. In every big city with a fetish for slow counting—Philly and Atlanta, we’re looking at you—the game plan should be 24/7 monitoring of vote counting centers, through the night and for days on end if necessary, even when counting is “paused,” to prevent even a hint of the questionable behavior that tainted and marred the 2020 election.

No matter what the pundits say, this election is going to be a very close, tight fight, but it is very winnable. As peak Kamala energy begins to wane in the aftermath of the DNC convention, Trump can capitalize on a new surge by adding some or all of the above suggestions to his already formidable repertoire.

Of course, no matter what the Trump campaign does, they cannot win without their most important weapon—us, the American people. At the end of the day, it is incumbent upon all of us to do everything in our power to put Trump back in the White House and give the country a fighting chance.

The clock is ticking, and every day counts. The nation is counting on you.

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