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Guest Post by Scott Greer
Amazon and Starbucks, two corporations renown for their progressive politics, are facing unionization efforts. That explains why a number of conservatives, particularly of a populist bent, endorse unionization at Amazon and Starbucks—they think the efforts will stick it to “woke capital.”
Many of these conservatives have adopted a pro-union position to signal their support for “economic populism.” They imagine these Amazon and Starbucks workers as a potential bulwark against “woke capital.” The GOP is allegedly the working man’s party now; it only makes sense to back these unionization efforts.
But this is grossly mistaken. Rather than serving as a bulwark against woke capital, these unionization efforts will only make woke capital more pervasive. These workers aren’t secret national populists waiting for Republicans to stand with them—they’re leftists who want their employers to be even woker.
A good example of this mistaken attitude toward Amazon and Starbucks workers comes from The Federalist’s Emily Jashinsky. She argued in a recent column that these laborers need help from Republicans to keep free of “Big Labor” and “Big Business.” Jashinsky acknowledges that the major unions are corrupt and no friends to conservatism. But she still supports the Amazon and Starbucks unionization efforts. (She admits to donating to the successful Amazon effort in New York.) She argues that these moves are mostly independent of Big Labor and are motivated by legitimate concerns. She points to the questionable safety and management practices at Amazon warehouses as why workers need to organize.
Jashinsky claims this presents a great opportunity for Republicans:
Democrats are beholden to Big Labor. Republicans, who now find themselves with more support from working-class Americans, need to fill the void and offer reform immediately. Not merely for the sake of politics, but for the sake of millions of workers who are employed by major corporations eager to skirt accountability, whether that involves China, woke business practices, or worker treatment.
She (and Marco Rubio) say that these workers “may need collective bargaining power to push back on company policies related to race and sex they find morally objectionable.”
Jashinsky provides one example:
Consider the case of a “high-incident” Starbucks in Eugene, Ore., where workers seeking to unionize actually cited the expectation that they act as ”untrained social workers” in their argument for organizing. Starbucks famously implemented an open bathroom policy after being accused of racism, but an obvious consequence of the company’s decision is that more working-class baristas—who also enjoy decent benefits—are placed in more stressful, high-risk confrontations.
The implication is that these workers don’t want to be social justice workers—they just want to go to the job free of politics. But one case in Eugene, Oregon, does not prove the anti-woke sensibilities of these employees. What happened in Eugene is more of an example of workers not wanting to do something that’s not part of their job. If Amazon and Starbucks workers organized, it’s more likely their unions would push for more leftist policies on race and sex, not fewer.
Just take the example of Christian Smalls, the lead union organizer of the Amazon warehouse in New York. Some populists, such as Sohrab Ahmari, see Smalls as a populist hero who eschews identity politics to stand up for workers’ rights. They overlook how Smalls is also a devoted Black Lives Matter activist. His Twitter avatar features him in a BLM hat and shirt. Smalls regularly appears on left-wing podcasts such as Chapo Trap House. Many of his complaints against Amazon would count as “woke.”
Christian Smalls accused Amazon of “racism” for not making the anti-white Juneteenth a holiday for employees. He also wanted the company to keep in place draconian COVID social distancing measures.
Amazon workers petitioned to have the company recognize Juneteenth as a holiday and retropay workers the overtime they deserve. Leadership responded with a flat out NO, then silenced a black woman by preventing her from posting on an internal bulletin about the petition.#Amazon https://t.co/AS2HkNBSdr
— Amazon Labor Union (@amazonlabor) July 12, 2021
Amazon rolled back many safety policies such as temp checks, social distancing, & staggered shifts, & refuses to even consider the reinstatement of hazard pay, longer breaks, & unlimited time off. These policies were in effect when the case count wasn't nearly this high. (3/4)
— Amazon Labor Union (@amazonlabor) January 13, 2022
This union doesn’t sound like a bulwark against woke capital at all.
Amazon workers are also likely to use their unions to push for more censorship. Last year, Amazon staffers were instrumental in pressuring Jeff Bezos to ban the social media app Parler from its services. The employees claimed that the conservative platform was “complicit” in “bloodshed and violent attacks on our democracy.” That argument persuaded Bezos to censor.
While many conservatives imagine that CEOs are imposing left-wing indoctrination on their employees, most of the time it’s the workers pushing for woke capital. Starbucks banned its employees from wearing Black Lives Matter apparel in the summer of 2020. Employees vigorously protested that decision and eventually the company rescinded it last fall. In a gesture of goodwill to its lefty employees, Starbucks provided 250,000 free BLM t-shirts to its baristas.
Disney also proves this point. Conservatives are irate over the entertainment giant’s opposition to Florida’s anti-groomer bill. This position wasn’t the idea of Disney CEO Bob Chapek—it was pushed by Disney workers who organized to demand the company oppose Florida’s effort to protect children from being groomed by perverted teachers.
It’s a similar story with tech censorship. Big Tech doesn’t censor because Mark Zuckerberg woke up one day and suddenly wanted to ban conservatives from the internet. The workers at Facebook, Twitter, and Google pushed for these policies. Twitter employees demanded the company suspend Donald Trump, and the platform obliged. Twitter employees are outraged that Elon Musk may force the company to respect free speech more. Some Google workers set up their own union last year. Shockingly, it is not trying to destroy “woke capital.” One of the union’s priorities is pressuring the tech giant to censor more “hate speech.”
Unionized Amazon and Starbucks workers would advocate for their companies to be even woker, and customers would receive worse service and more left-wing propaganda in the process. Conservatives aren’t standing with the blue collar guys who helped elect Trump in 2016 by supporting unionization. They’re helping blue-haired baristas make the lives of ordinary Americans worse. Unions are never our friends, even when they challenge a liberal corporation.
Scott Greer is the host of the “Highly-Respected” podcast
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